Key Votes

SB 462 blocks injured workers from filing negligence claims if they were involved in any "wrongful conduct" — a definition broad enough to sweep in undocumented workers in meatpacking and construction who are hurt on the job. It also bars cities and counties from filing public nuisance lawsuits against polluters without permission from the Attorney General, blocking the legal strategy firefighter unions use nationally to fight PFAS contamination from toxic firefighting foam. The legislature voted to override the Governor's veto, enacting retroactive protections for corporations that apply even to lawsuits already in court.

This bill blocks workers from recovering damages in negligence cases if they were engaged in any "wrongful conduct" — a definition broad enough to sweep in undocumented workers injured on the job in meatpacking, construction, and agriculture. It also shields product manufacturers from public nuisance lawsuits and gives the Attorney General sole control over multi-county claims like PFAS contamination cases that firefighter locals are pursuing nationally. The law applies retroactively to pending cases, killing active lawsuits against polluters and other bad actors as of July 1, 2026.

HB 2468 doubles the tax credit cap for private school voucher scholarships from $10 million to $20 million and opts Kansas into a new federal tax credit, steering more public dollars toward private schools. This amendment would have required private schools receiving these taxpayer-funded scholarships to meet basic accountability standards. Labor supports the amendment because expanding vouchers without oversight drains funding from public schools where union members teach and work, weakening both the schools and the educators who serve Kansas kids.

SB 375 imposes new legal burdens on proxy advisory firms — the companies that union pension funds and retirement plans hire to research and recommend how to vote their shares on corporate issues like executive pay, workplace safety, and governance. By requiring a narrow type of "written financial analysis" for any recommendation that goes against company management, the bill makes it harder and more expensive for these advisors to recommend votes on labor, environmental, and governance proposals that workers' retirement funds depend on. This is part of a national campaign to weaken the tools unions use to hold corporations accountable as shareholders.

SB 462 shields corporations from public nuisance lawsuits by prohibiting claims based on the design, manufacturing, or marketing of legal products — the same legal theory communities used to hold opioid manufacturers accountable. The bill also bars private class actions for public nuisances, hands sole authority over multi-county cases to the Attorney General, and retroactively applies to cases already pending in court. For workers and their families harmed by corporate pollution, chemical exposure like PFAS, or future public health crises, this bill shuts the courthouse door.

This bill doubles the tax credit cap for donations to private school scholarship programs from $10 million to $20 million and opts Kansas into a new federal tax credit that lets wealthy individual donors stack additional subsidies on top. By diverting more public dollars to private schools that lack union protections and collective bargaining, this bill threatens funding, jobs, and bargaining power for public school employees — including teachers and support staff who are union members.

Rep. Boatman's amendment would have kept the Kansas private school scholarship tax credit cap at $10 million and removed the automatic escalator that allows the cap to grow to $30 million without further legislative action. Kansas public schools employ tens of thousands of union-represented teachers, paraprofessionals, custodians, and support staff whose wages and working conditions depend on adequate state funding — and the state already faces a $228 million special education funding shortfall. Every dollar diverted through expanded tax credits is revenue the State General Fund does not collect, increasing pressure on the public school budgets that fund union jobs. The amendment was rejected 35-82, clearing the way for the bill to double the cap and add the automatic escalator on final passage the following day.

SB 269 locks Kansas into an automatic system that ratchets down income tax rates whenever revenues exceed a formula-based threshold. While the bill includes some fiscal guardrails, every triggered rate cut permanently reduces the revenue available to fund public schools, state agencies, and KPERS retirement contributions that working families depend on. The bill also immediately raised effective tax rates on lower-income Kansans by collapsing three tax brackets into two, hitting workers earning under $30,000 the hardest.

SB 269 creates an automatic trigger that ratchets down Kansas income tax rates whenever state revenues exceed a baseline, putting the state on a path toward a flat tax. While framed as fiscally responsible, once rates drop they never go back up — meaning less money available over time for public schools, state agencies, KPERS retirement contributions, and the services working families depend on. Kansas lived through this story before during the Brownback-era tax experiment, which led to budget crises, funding cuts, and public-sector wage freezes.

SB 269 creates an automatic trigger that ratchets down Kansas income tax rates whenever revenue exceeds a certain threshold — with no mechanism to restore rates if budgets fall short. While framed as fiscally responsible, every automatic tax cut means less money available for public schools, state agencies, KPERS retirement contributions, and the services working families depend on. Kansas lived through this story before during the Brownback era, when structural revenue losses led to public sector wage freezes, layoffs, and underfunded schools.