Key Votes

This bill expands SNAP work-requirement time limits to cover workers up to age 64, meaning a laid-off worker in their 50s could lose food assistance after just three months — even if they're actively looking for work. It also strips exemptions for veterans and homeless individuals and permanently blocks the Governor from restoring food assistance protections during a recession without a full act of the legislature. Workers in physically demanding trades who face longer job searches due to age discrimination are hit hardest.

This bill expands SNAP work requirements to cover workers up to age 64, strips food assistance exemptions for veterans and homeless individuals, and permanently blocks the Governor from restoring those protections during a recession without an act of the legislature. Workers aged 50-64 who lose their jobs — especially those in physically demanding trades — face a three-month cutoff on food assistance even when age discrimination and injury make finding new work difficult. Labor opposes this veto override because it punishes workers in legitimate job transitions and removes a critical safety net tool during economic downturns.

This bill lets just 10% of registered voters sign a petition to freeze local government and school district budgets at prior-year levels, blocking tax revenue increases above inflation plus 3%. The petition mechanism includes no protection for wages and benefits already negotiated in collective bargaining agreements, meaning a successful petition could prevent a school district or city from funding raises it already agreed to pay teachers, public employees, and other union workers. The bill also provides government-funded petition infrastructure by embedding signature pages in tax notices mailed to every property owner.

This omnibus bill raises the age limit for strict SNAP work requirements from 49 to 64, meaning workers in their 50s and early 60s who lose a job could lose food assistance after just three months. It also strips exemptions for veterans, homeless individuals, and former foster youth, and prohibits the Governor from waiving work requirements during a recession without a vote of the full legislature. Workers in physically demanding trades who face longer job searches as they age would be hit hardest.

This omnibus bill raises the age limit for SNAP work requirements from 49 to 64, meaning older workers between jobs could lose food assistance after just three months — even as they face age discrimination and longer job searches. It also eliminates exemptions from work requirements for veterans, homeless individuals, and former foster youth, and bars the Governor from waiving work requirements during a recession without a full act of the legislature. These restrictions hit workers hardest during the exact moments they need a safety net most: layoffs, plant closures, and economic downturns.

This bill creates a government-funded petition process that allows just 10% of registered voters to block school districts, cities, and counties from raising property tax revenue above the prior year's level. There is no protection for wages and benefits already negotiated in union contracts — meaning a successful petition could prevent a public employer from funding raises it already agreed to pay. The bill also embeds petition signature pages directly into tax notices mailed to every property owner at taxpayer expense, giving anti-tax groups a built-in organizing tool that labor has no equivalent way to counter.

This bill creates a voluntary "portable benefit plan" for independent contractors but includes a critical provision that prevents benefit contributions from ever being used as evidence that a worker is actually an employee. That legal shield lets gig companies like Uber and DoorDash make token benefit contributions while permanently blocking workers from using those contributions to prove they deserve full employee protections — including wages, workers' comp, unemployment insurance, and the right to organize. The benefit framework itself has no minimum contribution requirements and no mandate for companies to participate.

This bill lets just 10% of registered voters in a community block local governments and school districts from raising property tax revenue — even when increases are needed to fund negotiated wage agreements. Protest petition forms would be mailed directly to every property owner at taxpayer expense, giving anti-tax groups a powerful new tool to squeeze the budgets that pay public employees. There is no protection for existing union contracts, meaning a successful petition could make it impossible for employers to fund already-negotiated raises for teachers, firefighters, and other public workers.

This bill creates a voluntary "portable benefits" framework for independent contractors working for gig companies like Uber and DoorDash, but its real impact is a legal shield buried in the fine print: companies that make even token contributions to a worker's benefit account can't have those contributions used as evidence that the worker is actually an employee. That matters because when workers are misclassified as independent contractors, they lose access to minimum wage protections, overtime, workers' comp, unemployment insurance, and the right to organize. By severing this key legal link, the bill makes it harder for misclassified workers to prove they deserve full employee rights and benefits.

SB 463 rewrites Kansas negligent security law to make it far harder for workers to hold employers accountable when they fail to protect against foreseeable workplace violence. Under current law, employers have a duty to address safety risks a reasonable person would anticipate; this bill replaces that standard with a near-impossible requirement that the employer had actual documented knowledge of a substantially similar incident at the same location within the past year — rewarding employers who simply don't keep records. The bill also lets employers escape liability by hiring any security contractor regardless of quality, and forces juries to spread blame to police departments and other parties to dilute what injured workers can recover.

HB 2291 creates a "regulatory sandbox" program that allows businesses to apply to have state rules and regulations suspended — including potentially workplace safety and wage protections enforced by the Kansas Department of Labor. The program is overseen by a business-dominated advisory committee with no labor representation, applications are kept secret from the public, and if an agency fails to respond within 30 days, rules are automatically waived. Labor opposed this bill because it undermines the regulations that protect working people on the job, with no transparency or worker voice in the process.

This bill creates a new program in the Attorney General's office that allows businesses to apply to have state regulations waived or suspended for up to three years. Workplace safety rules, wage protections, and other labor regulations are not excluded from the program, and there is no seat for workers or unions on the advisory committee that reviews applications. If an understaffed agency like the Kansas Department of Labor fails to respond to an application within 30 days, the rules are automatically treated as waived — a built-in trap that puts working people at risk.

Nine senators voted to force SCR 1609 — a proposed constitutional amendment to repeal Kansas\'s right-to-work provision — out of committee and onto the floor. Kansas is one of the few states where right-to-work is enshrined in the constitution itself, requiring a two-thirds supermajority plus a statewide vote to change. Thirty senators voted to prevent the people of Kansas from even having the chance to vote on this question.

Nine senators voted to force SB 218 — a minimum wage increase — out of committee for a floor vote. Kansas has been stuck at the federal minimum of $7.25 per hour since 2009, one of the lowest in the nation. Thirty senators voted to keep the bill buried in committee, blocking any debate on raising wages for the lowest-paid workers in the state.

This bill prohibits Kansas courts and administrative hearing officers from deferring to state agency expertise when interpreting laws and regulations. That means when the Department of Labor, Workers' Compensation Board, or Public Employee Relations Board rules in a worker's favor, employers can now relitigate those decisions from scratch in court — with no weight given to the agency's interpretation. The result is a playing field tilted toward employers who can afford lengthy court battles to overturn worker-protective rulings on wages, unemployment benefits, workplace safety, and public sector bargaining rights.

SB 241 rewrites Kansas law to make employer non-solicitation agreements "conclusively presumed enforceable" against workers — with no income floor — flipping the burden so employees must hire a lawyer and go to court to challenge restrictions on where they can work. The bill also strips judges of the power to throw out overreaching agreements, instead requiring courts to save them by trimming them down, removing any incentive for employers to write fair contracts. The broad language covering anyone who "interferes with the employment relationship" could even be used to threaten former employees who help their old coworkers organize a union.

SB 222 prohibits courts and administrative hearing officers from relying on state agency expertise when interpreting the law — even inside workers' comp hearings, unemployment appeals, and wage claim proceedings where most working people's cases are actually decided. This means employers with deep pockets can re-litigate settled questions from scratch at every level, dragging out cases and discouraging workers from pursuing their claims. Kansas would go further than any other state or even the federal standard by reaching inside the administrative process itself, weakening enforcement of every labor protection on the books.